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Russian military leaders have expressed concern about US plans
for a national missile defense system. Will defense technology be
limited by possibilities for a strategic imbalance? Is this just SDI
all over again?
(8049 previous messages)
rshowalter
- 03:03pm Aug 23, 2001 EST (#8050
of 8070) Robert Showalter
showalte@macc.wisc.edu
After looking at Wines' fine piece especially, I've taken some
time searching the hundreds of references to Thomas Friedman on this
thread -- partly because almarst has often been so angry at
Friedman, for reasons that Americans would find less compelling than
almarst does.
Does the Russian government know what it wants to happen?
If the answer is "we want to continue the status quo" -- that
doesn't make so much sense to me. What does Russia want to happen
that can happen? That can happen in terms of human
realities, and technical realities.
I'd ask exactly the same questions of the Americans.
- - - - - - - -
I know what I'd like to happen.
I'd like each side to have massively ample capacity to deter the
other -- each side quite capable of imposing costs and injuries on
the other, on a non-nuclear basis. In calibrated ways. Stably.
With clear enough communication so that the weapons weren't
needed. With coexistence with much cooperation. That is makes sense
between our countries.
With both sides dealing with each other sensibly. On a well
informed basis, working along the continuum between trust and
distrust that it the natural state of human interaction, and the
interaction between nation states.
It also seems to me that all concerned, including Russia, the US,
China, and other nations, ought to determine key technical facts
about what is possible about missile defense, and related weapons
systems -- because it isn't good for America to squander resources,
or for Russia to feel threatened without any reasonable cause.
If we could get rid of the fictions that are making
actions seem so disproportionate -- we could come to much better
arrangements, in almost everybody's interest. Because the whole
world is watching, and because the fictions are being discussed,
there are possibilities for peace and prosperity that wouldn't occur
otherwise.
rshowalter
- 03:31pm Aug 23, 2001 EST (#8051
of 8070) Robert Showalter
showalte@macc.wisc.edu
Suppose you're a American political officer, responsible for
reducing risks, including nuclear risks, with Russia.
You think, for clear reasons that you have verified, that the
Russians are functioning of the basis of mistakes -- that they are
making decisions on the basis of delusional structures.
You're trying to promote peaceful relations, and stable
commerce, between the United States and Russia, in the interests of
the United States, but remembering that the United States is part of
a community of nations, and needs the cooperation of other nations
and foreign nationals for many reasons. Yet you face what you
believe is a delusional structure -- on the Russian's part -- that
is getting in the way of progress.
Do you get angry, and provoke an emotional confrontation? That
might feel good, in some ways, but wouldn't serve national
interests.
The thing to do, politely but definitely, would be to confront
not the people who are misinformed, but their misconceptions. On the
basis of evidence. In the most public possible way.
Both because that is persuasively the way that has the best
chance of changing minds, and because, proceeding in that way, one
guards against risks that your own country might be misunderstanding
things, as well.
If the misconceptions are "elaborately defended" it would make
sense to find ways to get past those defenses - and do so in public.
In military matters especially, right answers are the only safe
answers. Mistakes are dangerous.
If the roles of American and Russian were reversed in the
language above, the same points would apply.
Getting technically right answers about missile defense, in terms
of what can be done according to open literature practice, and
getting these answers clear and to closure, would be a
straightforward part of that.
lunarchick
- 03:45pm Aug 23, 2001 EST (#8052
of 8070) lunarchick@www.com
The thing to do, politely but definitely, would
be to confront not the people who are misinformed, but their
misconceptions. On the basis of evidence. In the most public
possible way. (Showalter)
wrcooper
- 03:46pm Aug 23, 2001 EST (#8053
of 8070)
Showalter:
Have you tried to communicate with Pentagon sources--or your own
representatives and their aides--to get information from "the other
side?" What military sources have you consulted to determine how
well or poorly they've defended the necessity of constructing a
limited missile shield? Please cite the sources. I'd like to take a
look at them if they're available online.
lunarchick
- 04:05pm Aug 23, 2001 EST (#8054
of 8070) lunarchick@www.com
Moving from the concept of a three act play, to a three movement
orchestral piece, the composer would be aware of the four sectors of
instrumentation. Each sector having its own culture, behaviour and
potentials. In these terms the Cold war has been playing for half a
century .. but .. the last movement isn't finished.
Culturally the Russians and Americans represent two, (of the four
instrumental sectors strings, brass, wind, percussion) - currently
out of synic - and short of an Andre Previn, conductor - with
fullest understanding of the psychology of amassed instrument
sectors - to write an ending, make all sectors work together - for a
public airing of a final presentation. It's a complex matter.
lunarchick
- 04:18pm Aug 23, 2001 EST (#8055
of 8070) lunarchick@www.com
Pentagon - in vehicular terms is a five-door station wagon.
Hexagons are the most efficient shape ... bees opted for these ..
check out a hive. The two together make interesting design
patterns. The question is:
How to design a safer world?
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