MERICANS have long used movies to
illuminate who they are as a people, particularly in times of
change. During the Depression, Franklin D. Roosevelt credited
"the smiling face of a baby" — Darryl F. Zanuck's sensation,
Shirley Temple — with pulling the nation through tough times.
Fictional sleuths and spies performed this patriotic duty in
World War II and the start of the cold war. More recently
James Bond and then John Rambo telegraphed to audiences an
image of swashbuckling America. Now, a new film, "The Bourne
Identity," can be viewed as revealing another shift in
America's mood.
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This movie is actually a remake of a 1988 made-for-TV
adaptation of Robert Ludlum's best seller. It features a young
(a generation younger than in the book) snub-nosed American
agent, Jason Bourne. Superbly trained (at a cost of $30
million), Bourne is a new sort of spy: he gets the job done
with a minimum of the stylish, outrageous posing standard in
action heroes.
Who benefits from this no-frills spy? America.
For the flashy, testosterone-fueled power that made Bond
and Rambo icons, and the pleasure derived from the trail of
explosions and mayhem left in their wake, have come back to
haunt America. Action heroes rubbed people's noses in
America's dominance, its prosperity and power. And these
movies, intended to demonstrate an invincible America in the
American century, showed something else. America went from
being considered indestructible to being a nation that had to
be taught a severe lesson.
"The Bourne Identity" seems in sync with a post-Sept. 11
sensibility, though it was developed before the attacks. Matt
Damon plays the title role as a deadpan pragmatist. Crippled
by amnesia, he emerges as an innocent who makes the most of
any new environment. With cagey wonder, he surveys each task
or place and rapidly catalogs its possibilities for life's
basic purposes: food, shelter, murder. He can foresee what
others cannot. He understands how things work. He is able to
transform a pedestrian wreck of a car into a vehicle able to
outrun a slew of police cars and motorcycles through the
alleys of Paris. All he had to do was study a city map
intently for a few minutes, and get a basic lowdown on the car
— that the tires are "splashy" and it pulls a bit to one side.
Yet Bourne's amazing feats are done virtually without reaction
shots that would show his pleasure at his own skill.
Bourne seems not so much detached as puzzled, even
saddened, that he can do all this great stuff. This new sort
of spy is a free agent without the action hero's usual
swagger, which would be too obvious at a time when power can
put you on the wrong side of the new bullies — the terrorists.
Modest is better. It is appropriate when conspicuous
demonstrations of power seems the surest route to a bad end.
The post-Sept. 11 spy is programmed, like his predecessors, to
kill whomever his handlers define as the enemy. But he won't
accept what has been the inevitable course of an action hero's
role — of identity though action — if it means killing
children or destroying a family. He has, if not memory, a
heart.
Though Jason Bourne bears the same initials as James Bond,
he has little connection to that spy-from-Playboy. That was
indeed another era. President John F. Kennedy, who was an
expert in images, even knew what books to bring up. In
presenting his dashing self-portrait, Kennedy shrewdly let it
be known he admired Ian Fleming and his spy, James Bond.
ALTHOUGH British, Bond seemed to embody everything America
wanted to be at the time. He outmaneuvered cold war enemies
with a combination of brawn, smarts, gadgets, an impressive
wardrobe and, of course, the same irresistible technique of
potent swashbuckling style that Kennedy used in wooing the
public.
After Bond came John Rambo, whose charter was cited
regularly by no less an authority on movies and politics than
President Ronald Reagan. Unlike Bond, with his tuxedos and
cocktails and shapely vedettes in tow, Rambo was a sartorial
disaster, all muscle, grunt and uncontrolled id.
Bourne, too, gets the job done. But he also manages to
illustrate what R. W. B. Lewis identified in "The American
Adam" as this nation's most vital myth, "a figure of heroic
innocence and vast potentialities, poised at the start of a
new history." In this way, Bourne offers a route into the
frontier of new possibilities arising post-Sept. 11. Because
he cannot remember his identity, he is constantly reborn —
this makes him different and causes him angst.
In the end, this new redefinition of the spy from
impossibly glamorous to a kind of no-frills competence asks us
to believe that an ordinary surface masks an exceptional inner
ability. Sort of the way Americans like to think of
themselves.